Indeed  the  case  for  treating  patriotism  as  a  virtue  is  now  clear.  If  first  of  all  it  is  the  case  that  I  can  only  apprehend  the  rules  of  morality  in  the  version  in  which  they  are  incarnated  in  some  specific  community;  and  if  secondly  it  is  the  case  that  the  justification  of  morality  must  be  in  terms  of  particular  goods  enjoyed  within  the  life  of  particular  communities;  and  if  thirdly  it  is  the  case  that  I  am  characteristically  brought  into  being  and  maintained  as  a  moral  agent  only  through  the  particular  kinds  of  moral  sustenance  afforded  by  my  community,  then  it  is  clear  that  deprived  of  this  community,  I  am  unlikely  to  flourish  as  a  moral  agent.  Hence  my  allegiance  to  the  community  and  what  it  requires  of  me- even  to  the  point  of  requiring  me  to  die  to  sustain  its  life-could  not  meaningfully  be  contrasted  with  or  counterposed  to  what ...

By 1933, Nazi publications described Kemalism as “Turkish National Socialism” in Hamburger Nachrichten; re-established Völkischer Beobachter attributed the ascent of the Turkish nation to the “deed of this one single man, who with iron will and undiminished determination leads his nation to independence” and in Kreuzzeitung, it was stated that “the German National Socialism of Adolf Hitler and Turkish Kemalism are closely related” Hitler’s 1933 interview with Milliyet, a Turkish daily newspaper, was extensively reprinted in several German papers citing his famous phrase that elevates Ataturk to an iconic status as “a shining star in the darkness”.

In 1938, Ihrig cites Hitler saying the following to a delegation of Turkish politicians: “Atatürk was the first to show that it is possible to mobilize and regenerate the resources that a country has lost. In this respect, Atatürk was a teacher; Mussolini was the first and I his second student.”

They (Latin American and Chinese students) developed a clear anti-imperialist consciousness and also inquired political and organizational skills as representatives of their community in interwar Paris. One very well-known example of this is Zhou Enlai. On the other hand growing numbers of colonial labor migrants went to Paris between the two wars...

Skinner presented in his lecture what is perhaps the latest version of his continued attempt to excavate a non-liberal theory of freedom which he finds best expressed in early modern political theories. The core of the classical theory is freedom as nondependence. On this theory one is not free merely by virtue of being uncoerced for on that (liberal) view one can be free as a slave so long as one is not coerced by one’s master. The classical view takes the basic contrast concept for freedom to be not interference with one’s action or will but rather one’s dependence on another as exemplifed in the paradigm cases of slavery, colonialism, and subjection.

There has never been any agreed concept to which term “state” is referred. A continuous aspiration of political science to provide neutral operative definitions of the state is an illusion. Everything what is done is ideological. (…) There is no essence in the concept of the state, it does not have natural boundaries. It's been in continuous contestation no less than the closely associated concept of political liberty.